Accounting Standard AASB138 Intangible Assets Essay

Accounting Standard AASB138 Intangible Assets - Essay Example This means that as much as possible, no pieces and bits of expenses are to be left out. The collection of every amount that went into spending is supposed to be captured as part of the expenditure development (Deegan, 2012). This also entails a mandate whereby accounting for research and development expenses will not be done in isolation. Rather, it is expected that the expenses making up for the two will be integrated as one so as to have a total aggregate of the expenditure. What is more, the AASB138 requires specific items that cover cost of all internally generated intangible assets to be accounted for (66). These would include costs of materials and services, cost of employee benefits, fees to register a legal right and amortisation of patents and licenses (66, a, b, c). There however exist some freebies as far as items to be covered are concerned as there are entities that are encouraged but not necessarily required. These include amortised intangible assets that are still in u se and intangible assets that did not match up the recognition criteria in the Standard (128). 2 Explain the rationale behind the different accounting treatments for research and development expenditures. A critical review of the AASB138 shows that there are different accounting treatments given to varying research and development expenditures. Such differences exist for varying reasons.... Secondly, the tangible impact that different research and development expenditure creates is always different and subject to quantitative grading (Accounting Scholar, 2012). For this reason, there exists different accounting treatment for research and development expenditures so that accountants would have the opportunity of undertaking their own assessments of the impacts of expenses so as to undertake effective quantitative grading. In the opinion of Deegan (2012), having the same accounting treatments for all research and development expenditures would only be a way of saying that when quantitative grading is done, all entities will be on the same scale (p. 231) 3 Before the introduction of Accounting Standard AASB 138 Intangible Assets in 2005, Australian companies were allowed to treat research expenditure as an asset and spread the charge against profits over several years. a Examine possible impacts of the introduction of new accounting standards regarding research expenditure s to the key elements of companies’ financial statements such as assets, liabilities, equity, income and expenses. With the coming into force of the new accounting standards on research expenditure, one of the key impacts that is expected in terms of financial statements of companies is that there will be an overall change in the technical structure and setup of their financial statements (Deegan, 2012). For example as the new accounting standards brings into force new definitions and categorisations of key entities like assets and expenditure, it is expected that the overall structure of financial standards will change drastically. In terms of assets, it is expected that companies are going to record comparatively reduced volumes of assets than they

Dorothy and the Tree Essay Example for Free

Dorothy and the Tree Essay Dorothy and the Tree: A Lesson in Epistemology Stanley Fish discusses how we in society base our lives off of assumptions. Using the example of Dorothy and the tree, Fish is able to show how with our assumptions, we as people categorize others and things into what we believe to be correct. Whether or not we have actually taken the time to figure out if we are right is irrelevant. He notes that we should just â€Å"keep trying to expand our sense of ‘us’ as far as we can†, so we can avoid judgments and isolating ourselves from the rest of society. Even though Dorothy realizes her mistake, she doesn’t realize that it is not a failure, but her consciousness assuming the classification of things in the world. Fish later on defines thought as the â€Å"structure that at once enables perception†, meaning that within categories things emerge, limiting perception and nothing can allow one to see everything because that is God’s job. Fish uses many Bible allusions to create justification for his assertions. He uses Genesis 1:26, and Paul’s road to Damascus to show that people can be persuaded to change their placement of things in society. Despite all of his valid points, Fish states that it is nearly impossible for one to change just on realizations. He believes it takes practice to accept the fact that there are things that we cannot comprehend because there is no limit on the conceptual trappings of society.

Discuss How the Concepts of ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnicity’ Essay Example for Free

Discuss How the Concepts of ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnicity’ Essay Australia is known for its multicultural society, but race and ethnicity are a huge factor of persistent racism and inequality in this country. The driving force behind this is the strong belief that some of the population still hold against people who appear different to themselves. To gain a clear understanding of this sensitive topic one must look at the origins, forms and effects of racism. This essay will look at how the concepts of ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’ perpetuate inequality in our society, a brief history of Australia in relation to racism and how people experience these inequalities today in a society that we call multicultural. Modern Australia was established as a ‘region of recent settlement’ in 1788 which was a small part of a larger process of European colonisation (Bessant Watts, 2002, p. 219). They had a set of ideas, values and beliefs and assumed that aborigines had no system of land ownership, agriculture, animal husbandry. Indigenous people have been in Australia for more than 100,000 years (Bessant Watts, 2002, p. 222). The White Australia Policy in the 20th century encouraged immigration only from Britain, but didn’t allow ‘Asians’ and ‘Non-whites (Economou N, 1998, p.363). By 1950’s people from all countries were allowed to migrate into Australia to help post war reconstruction. The colonial immigration saw a mass migration of European people mostly from Britain to Australia. It is said that between 1788 and 1852 approximately 170,000 people moved to Australia, and the gold rush era after 1851 made it a highly desirable country for migrating (Bessant Watts, 2002, p. 231). By end of World War two, as war forced Australia to get closer to other countries, which resulted in the first significant weakening of the policy in 1951. Later in the 1950s and 1960s other parts of the White Australia Policy were gradually dismantled. By the 1970s the federal government had removed all racial restrictions from its immigration law (Bessant Watts, 2002). Various writers have contradictory approaches and ways of looking at racism, making it a complex topic. It takes many different forms, ranging from physical violence to derogatory language. A person or group’s belief that their race is superior or inferior, or their moral and social traits are predetermined, based on biological differences can be termed ’racism’. A group of people sharing the same skin colour, same values, coming from the similar backgrounds may constitute as ’race’. One of the most common forms of racism found today is Institutional Racism, which stems from established corporations, and other powerful forces in society, thus making it hard to question and faces less public condemnation. Examples include housing, employment, businesses, education, religion and media (Healey, 2002). Typically, the basis of this type of discrimination is from irrational fear of people at the receiving end who belong to a different culture or ‘race’. Although, there have been ongoing debates about racism all around us for centuries, it is an assault on human rights as it methodically refuses people of different caste, colour, race, sex or their country of origin basic values underlined by Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) which states that human rights are everyone’s birthright and apply to all without difference (Healey, 2002). Common perception of shared origins, culture, lifestyle and traditions amongst a group of people or society is the universal definition of ethnicity (Bessant Watts, 2002). People can share the same nationality but have different ethnicities. A few writers have put forward fascinating explanations of ethnicity. Edward Shils in his ‘primordial approach’ argues that he believes everyone has a primordial attachment to their motherland, people and religion which brings out strong emotional ties by socialising, which further gives rise to the need to have a separate identity and belonging. Then the ‘Mobilisationist Approach’ suggests that nothing is predictable or normal about ethnicity. Rather, ethnic identities come into sight and are toughened in political contexts where groups struggle to get access to inadequate and valued resources (Van Krieken et al, 2000, p. 519). The basis of ethnocentrism is a conscious or unconscious belief that one’s ethnic group, culture, religion, custom or behaviour is superior to another ethnic group. Politicians boast that Australia is a multicultural, open and classless society. Despite the well known image of Australia’s everyone have â€Å"a fair go†, the country is still full of both institutional and popular racism. Education has always been very important when it comes to moving up in class and has been very liberating in Australian society. However, indigenous and ethnic groups have been somewhat disadvantaged in opportunities to acquire education. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics only five Indigenous Australians per 1,000 obtain tertiary qualification, compared to 70-80 per 1,000 for Anglo Australians. In the 1990s welfare, health care and education support for Aborigines accounted only to 2% of total budget outlay (ABS 2000:21). In order to receive an education a person requires an income, but to get an income one needs a job, and a job is challenging to find without an appropriate level of education. Therefore an individuals chance of education is influenced by the socio-economic status of one’s parents which is a cyclic social inequality hard to break. Migrants and their children often find it challenging to adjust to the Australian school system as they often come from countries that have a poor education system, and even if they have tertiary qualifications they mostly are not recognised, resulting in them taking lower paid and lower status jobs. Working class children often attend schools in working class suburbs where pupils are directed into working-class jobs. A high number of students leave school early and the expectation that they will attend university is low. In comparison, upper-class children attend private schools, and the expectation that they will attend university is high. Migrants and ethnic groups are often at a lower end of the socioeconomic scale (Aspin, 1996, p. 87) Migrants arrive with little money and few skills. Already at a disadvantage with language barriers, migrants and ethnic groups are also faced with racism and discrimination in their search for employment. In 1996, One Nation political party leader Pauline Hanson made a speech that claimed that Australia was being overwhelmed by ‘Asians and feared that Asians were taking over jobs. The fact is that Asians at the time only accounted for 5% of total population and ‘there is little evidence to support the claim that high rates of immigration ‘cause unemployment or ‘cause Australians to lose their jobs (Bessant, 2002, p. 219). Indigenous people had a 24. 3% unemployment rate according to 1996 census (ABS 2000:23). Indigenous people are usually poorer than most non-indigenous Australians and receive a lower income on average than the total population. The household income for Aborigines in 1994 was $158 compared to $310 for white Australians (ABS 2000C:23) This also reflects the fact the there is a higher reliance by the Aboriginal population on social security payments (ABS 1996b: 122-4) Socioeconomic status is a major determinant of inequality as it influences access an individual has to the economic resources of a society. L. J. Aspin (1996) explains that white Australian-born males have a better chance of obtaining access to the resources of society. Inequality is also reflected in the differential access to housing and health services. For people who are paying rent and on a low income, it is almost impossible to save for a deposit on a house at the same time. Aborigines and migrants suffer discrimination in rental accommodation, where landlords preferring a two-parent, white, Anglo-Saxon families. Only 10% of Aborigines own housing compared to 70% of white Australia population (Aspin, 1996, p. 87). Most Aborigines live in rural and provincial Australia (Bessant, 2002, p. 226) far from big cities where there are more jobs, higher paid jobs, better education, better housing, good water and sanitation services, hospital medical services and other community amenities. Some ethnic backgrounds are still not accepted in our society and are treated differently and unequally. We see and hear about them on a day to day basis. In recent months the Indian community in Australia, especially students have become a vulnerable target for attacks, whether racist or not. On 31 May 2009 in Melbourne, about 5000 students marched through the streets of Melbourne protesting against these attacks on Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi students. 25-year-old Sravan Kumar Theerthala was in a serious condition in intensive care after being stabbed in the head with a screwdriver one week earlier (Bolton Peterson, 2009). In an article in The Age newspaper on February 19 Victorian police claimed that these attacks are not racially motivated, but opportunistic where Indian students are â€Å"over representing themselves as victims† and can be looked upon as soft targets. The police also advised them â€Å"not to speak in their native language loudly† or display signs of wealth. Attacks on Indians aren’t the only allegation Australia has faced over the years. It seems that anyone in power, including police, politicians or the media has had the tendency to somehow flare these attacks. In the Herald Sun on 11 June 2009, 3AW’s Neil Mitchell said: â€Å"Australians are also bashed and die in India, which does not provoke parades of chanting ocker backpackers in the streets of Mumbai†. In 2007, the then immigration minister Kevin Andrews referred to the Sudanese community when he said â€Å"Some groups don’t seem to be settling and adjusting into the Australian way of life as quickly as we would hope. † A spate of violent attacks were then unleashed against Sudanese migrants, and one was bashed to death by a group of white men (Bolton Peterson, 2009). As Australia continues to argue that it is a just, tolerant, open and classless society, there is still evidence of race and inequality among us and affecting the many lives of migrants and Indigenous people. It is interesting to note that the very determinants of class power, money, education, family background, occupation, health and general way of life are also the same factors where others experience inequalities. Race and ethnicity perpetuate inequality, and in any country including Australia, one would find that there are always some people with very strong values of racism, and media outlets which help in manipulating the views of general public. There still needs to be a massive drive by communities and governments on racism and inequality and it will be long before we will be a â€Å"happy multicultural Australia†. Bibliography Aspin, L J 1996, ‘Social stratification and inequality’, Focus on Australian society, 2nd edn, Longman, Melbourne. Australian Bureau of Statistics 2009, Australian Bureau of Statistics, viewed 28 November 2009, http://www. abs. gov. au/ . Bessant, J Watts, R 2002, ‘Neighbours and nations: ethnic identity and multiculturalism’, Sociology Australia, 2nd edn, Allen Unwin, St Leonards, NSW. Bolton, S Peterson, C 2009, Indian students speak: Stop the racist attacks! , viewed 28 November 2009, http://www.greenleft. org. au/2009/798/41083. Economou, N 1998, ‘The Politics of Citizenship: identity, ethnicity and race’, in Alan Fenna, Introduction to Australian Public Policy, Vol 1, Addison Wesley Longman, Melbourne. Healey, J 2002, ‘Racism: Beyond Tolerance, A Fair Go’, Racism in Australia, Vol 180, The Spinney Press, Rozelle, NSW. Van Krieken, R, Smith, P, Hobbis, D McDonald, K 2000, ‘Migration, ethnicity and Australian Aboriginality’, Sociology: themes and perspectives, 2nd edn, Pearson Education, Frenchs Forest, NSW.

Rural Transport Modes in Auchi and Environs

Rural Transport Modes in Auchi and Environs ELEMENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF RURAL TRANSPORT MODES IN AUCHI AND ENVIRONS BY ATUBI, AUGUSTUS .O. (Ph.D) INTRODUCTION In as much as it is easier to define the concept ‘transport’, the word ‘rural’ is a bit more difficult. Like its urban concept, there have been problems with definitions of ‘rural’ since no single criterion could be used because some countries use low population figures while other use high population figure in determining ‘rural’. There is a demographic definition of ‘rural’ using minimum population thresholds. Often the minimum population figures that a place must have to qualify as a rural area is specified. This minimum population size varies from one place to the other depending on the situation of the country concerned. It has been noted that a population of 2,500 and below is the distinction on which rural areas are recognized in the United States of America. However, the figures used in other countries vary remarkably from that of the U.S.A. In Denmark, a rural place is an agglomeration of 250 or less people. Gr eece, rural places include agglomerations of 10,000 or less, whereas Guatamala has considered places as rural if they have 2,000 or less inhabitants, plus places with 1,500 or less inhabitants of which running water service is provided in their houses (Ola, 2000). According to the Nigerian (1952) census, a rural place is an area having a population of less than 5,000. By contrast, the 1963 census fixed 20,000 or less people. In Canada, it is below 1,000, in France, it is 2,000 and below and in Japan it is below 3,000. Thus, rural population is defined in terms of settlement below 20,000 population as in Nigeria. The term ‘rural’ has therefore, generated more controversy in the literature and involves economic, sociological, ethnic, racial and numerical dimensions. In Nigeria, rural areas are inhabited by people whose occupations are primarily agriculture (Aloba, 1986). The spatial nature of resources in rural areas made the provision of rural roads network necessary factor for development. As a result of the neglect, the rural areas have always been associated with under-development as well as classified as zones of high propensity for out migration (Udo, 1975; Uyanga, 1980; and Makinwa, 1981). Rural area can therefore be defined as an area dominated by extensive land uses such as agriculture and forestry or large space of under-developed land. The term ‘rural transport’ can be defined as short-distance movements between an urban centre and the surrounding rural areas, between two rural settlements or between a rural settlement and the farmland that belongs to it (Aloba, 1986; Aluko, 2000). However, the modes, routes and traffic of rural transport may depend to some extent, on the prevailing geographical, environmental and technological development of the area under study. Rural transport therefore, means movement of people, goods and services within rural areas and between (rural areas) and urban centres that will afford the rural areas the opportunity to reach their economic growth and trade potential to enable them attain their desired quality of life. CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ADVANCES INFRASTRUCTURAL PROVISION APPROACH The search for a new rural transport planning paradigm in developing countries began in a some what unfocused manner. The initial point of departure was simply dissatisfaction with the existing implied policy – reliance on infrastructure investment for conventional motorized vehicles as both the catalyst for economic and social change, and the prime means of enhancing accessibility and personal mobility, with vehicle supply being left to the private sector (Howe, 2001;Atubi and Ali, 2008). Early criticism focused on the unnecessarily high design standards applied to local feeder, penetration or development – roads, and the resulting slow and uncertain rate of network development (Stuckey, 1973); the in-affordability and indeed non-availability of motor vehicles to the mass of population, and the neglect of effective policies for the development of the local transport and vehicle system (Howe, 1975). HOUSEHOLD TRAVEL ANALYSIS The substitution of household for the transport system as the fundamental unit of travel analysis enabled a conceptual leap in rural transport studies to take place. The first systematic use of the travel characteristics of the household as the basic unit of travel study and analysis in developing countries took place during the mid-1980’s in the course of two studies, one in Tanzania and one in Ghana (Bawell and Malmberg- Calvo, 1986; Barwell and Howe, 1987). The core of the method was a structured interview, which recorded basic data about a household and the local and external travel activities of its members. It required a broadening of the notion of transport which was defined as travel from home for any purpose and by any means of movement, including walking or carrying loads on the head and back. The result was a quantification of household movements in terms of trips, time spent traveling and distance traveled to various facilities such as supplies of water, firewood, health clinic, grain grinding mills, markets etc, tonne and tonne-km of effort, modes used, and the gender and adult child involvement split. Methodologically the technique was a significant advance since a degree of precision in quantifying household travel demands was achieved (Barwell, et al, 1987). ELEMENTS OF RURAL TRANSPORT IN AUCHI AND ENVIRONS Approach to rural transport study requires a holistic understanding of the mobility and access needs of the rural communities. It is a demand – led, or people – centred approach with emphasis on the need expressed by affected communities (i.e. Auchi and environs). In context, rural transport is more broadly seen as an input into successful rural livelihood strategies, within which access consists of three complementary elements – (a) rural transport services and intermediate means of transport, (b) location and quality of facilities and (c) Rural infrastructure as show in figure 1 (Lebo and Schelling, 2001). RURAL TRANSPORT SERVICES AND INTERMEDIATE MEANS OF TRANSPORT This deals with availability, affordability of rural transport services and intermediate means of transport in rural areas and their role in promoting rural economic development (Slack, 1990; Riverson and Carapetis, 1991). The knowledge base covers information on rural travel patterns and surveying the role of government in creating an enabling environment for the services (establishing import duties and licenses, taxes, tariff and route regulation, safety measures and subsidies), the role of the private sector (acting as operators, manufactures and credit institutions) and social and cultural aspects. Other issues include the provision of vehicles (motorized and non-motorized) and their application (Melmberg-Calvo, 1994b; Barwell, 1996). Fig. 1: The Elements of Rural Transport (Adopted from Lebo and Schelling, 2001) LOCATION AND QUALITY OF FACILITIES The second element of a comprehensive rural transport framework is the location and quality of facilities. The distance from households to facilities such as wells, forest, grinding mills, schools, and health centres determines the amount of time rural dwellers spend on transport activities. Numerous studies on rural transport have shown that rural households, and particularly women, spend a substantial amount of time and effort on transport activities (McCall, 1985; Malmberg-Calvo, 1994a, 1998). The bulk of these efforts are required for domestic subsistence activities. In view of planners, this time is unproductive and wasted, and a drain on potentially productive labour – the principal economic resource for most rural households (Edmonds, 1998). Thus improved quality and better locations of facilities are important to consider when examining alternative access improvements in rural areas. RURAL TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE Complementing means of transport and the location and quality of facilities is the third element of rural transportation – rural transport infrastructure. Rural transport infrastructure is the rural road, track and path network on which the rural population performs its transport activities. Other issues of rural transport infrastructure include the framework for management and finance, ownership and responsibility, local capacity, design appraisal and traffic characteristics (Malmberg-Calvo, 1998; Cannon and Lebo, 1999). There is also transport policy and strategy to address the issues mentioned above. CHARACTERISTICS OF RURAL TRANSPORT MODES IN AUCHI AND ENVIRONS The rural transport road mode in Auchi and environs could be classified into two major parts: Non-motorized Motorized 1.Non-motorized system: This includes: i.Head porterage ii.Bicycle carriage Head Porterage: This is the traditional way of carriage in most rural areas. It is the oldest mode so far and always meant for subsistent, purposes. Trekking from one place to another in the rural areas is limited by the distance and capacity of the journey maker both in carriage and walking. It is assumed that the maximum distance an average man can trek is about 3km per hour and the maximum load capacity is 40kg which when carried over a long distance reduces the journey rate to about 2km/hour (Aluko, 2000). Bicycle: Bicycle is also classified as an un-motorized system of rural transport system. It is a bit better than the head porterage mode for its improvement in speed and carriage capacity. The bicycle’s speed can be estimated as 20km/hour and with a carrying capacity of between 80kg and 100kg (Aloba, 1986; Ikporukpo, 1987; Aluko, 2000). 2.Motorized Modes The motorized mode of rural transport is the use of auto-engines to transport both human and freight in the rural areas. The commonest type of motorized modes are: Motorcycles Motor cars Pick-ups Mini bus Lorries/tippers Motorcycles: The motorcycles are found very commonly in rural areas but are not usually as common as bicycle because of the high cost involved in procuring one and which can only be afforded by very few people in a rural set up. By and large, a motorbike is more powerful than the bicycle and so the speed is far higher than the bicycle in folds. Motor cars: These exist in term of taxi or cabs which usually have a capacity of four passengers, but which in most cases are overloaded with either passengers or freights or both in few places where they are found. The types of cabs found in the rural areas are vehicles, which are not road worthy in any form. They are found at road junctions connecting different villages to carry passengers in these rural sets up; or better still they could be found at some designated areas called â€Å"garages† (Motor parks) where such exists. Pick-ups: This is another motor vehicle designed for freight transportation and in few occasions may as well transport the rural people. Farm produce are transported from the farm or village to the urban centres in large quantities. Mini-buses: The mini-buses are used for human transportation. They are of the exact distinct option given to the cabs but in this case mini-buses are bigger than buses for its carrying capacity. It is usually a 16-seater bus (urvan) and the 14-seaters (c.20). They are known for their van-pulling purpose while their journey time is usually more than the cabs in that they stop in virtually all the villages and junctions reached. Lorries: The Lorries are another motorized mode used in the rural areas. They carry passengers but their major purpose is to transport rural freight from place to place. In most cases, the 10 tonnes and the 15 tonnes Lorries are commonly found. In this case, they are mostly used to evacuate the farm produce to the urban centres where they are disposed for prices. Farmers of varying number can come together to hire a lorry for this purpose POLICY IMPLICATIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS For a tremendous improvement of rural transport in Auchi and environs in particular and Nigeria in general to take place, the following strategies and useful recommendations might help in the development of rural transportation. There should be a well-articulated rural development policy that would spell out the necessary strategies that are properly conceptualized. Special fund should be made available for rural development. This should be structured (if possible) in such a way that it will be administered from the federal level. Also, budgetary allocations to rural transport must be disbursed and on time for the implementation of proposals. There should be a department of rural development or federal ministry of rural development that will oversee the state and local government rural departments. That is, these must be well-defined authority at all levels of governments solely for the enhancement of rural transport. The duties of the authority in the planning implementation and maintenance of the roads must be well spelt out. CONCLUSION Transportation is one of the various elemental factors in rural development and it is necessary to understand its role in rural development and particularly how transport and other factors for development interact to produce the resulting structure of the rural economy and society. Rural transportation is also very important for the growth and development of any rural area (i.e. Auchi and environs) and as well as for the efficient movement of people and goods throughout the country. REFERENCES Aloba, O.O. (1986) â€Å"Rural Transportation† in Falola, T. and Olunrewaju, S.A. (eds) Transport System in Nigeria. Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, University of Syracuse, Syracuse. Aluko, O. (2000) Rural Transportation and Development Planning in Nigeria. Kins book Publication Series, Ibadan, Oyo State. Atubi, A.O. and Ali, A.N. (2008) Development in Conceptual and Methodological Advances in Rural Transportation. International Journal of Development Studies. Vol. 3, No. 4, Pp. 79-82. Barwell, I. (1996) Transport and the Villages. World Bank Discussion Paper, 344, Washington DC. Barwell, I. and Howe, J. (1987) Study of Potential for IMT: Executive Summary and Main Report (Ghana). I.T. Transport Consultancy Commissioned by World Bank Washington D.C. Barwell, I. and Malmberg-Calvo, C. (1986) Market Integrated Rural Transport Project: Preliminary Findings from a Village Level Transport Survey. Ilo Rural Transport Paper 4, I. T. Transport Consultancy, Geneva. Barwell, I.; Howe, J. and Zille, P. (1987) Household Time use and Agricultural Productivity in Sub-Saharan African: A Synthesis of I.T. Transport Research. I.T. Transport Ltd, Washington DC. Cannon, C. and Lebo, J. (1999) â€Å"Design and Education of vary low-volume Rural Roads in Developing Countries: Transportation Research Record. 1652, Transportation Research Board, Washington DC. Edmonds, G. (1998) Wasted Time: The Price of Poor Access. International Labour Organization. Office, Geneva. Howe, J. (1975) â€Å"The Future of Surface Transport in Africa† African Affairs, Vol. 1, 74, No. 296, Pp. 134-325. Howe, J. (2001) Village Level Transport. Rural Transport Knowledge Based Rural Travel and Transport Programme. Ikporukpo, C.O. (1987) â€Å"An Analysis of the Accessibility of Public Facilities in Nigeria† Socio-Economic Planning Services. Vol. 21, Pp. 61-69. Lebo, J. and Schelling, D. (2001) â€Å"Design and Appraisal of Rural Transport Infrastructure: Ensuring Basic Access for Rural Communities† World Bank Technical Paper. No. 496. Washington DC. Makinwa, P.K. (1981) Internal Migration and Rural Development: Lesson from Bendel State. Heinemann, Ibadan. Malmberg-Calvo, C, (1994b) Case Study on Intermediate means of Transport: Bicycle and Rural Women in Uganda. World Bank Sub-Saharan African Transport Policy Program, Working Paper No. 12. Malmberg-Calvo, C. (1994a) Case Study on the Role of Women in Rural Transport: Access of Women to Domestic Facilities. World Bank, Sub-Saharan African Transport Policy Program, Working Paper, No. 11. Malmberg-Calvo, C. (1998) â€Å"Options for Managing and Financing Rural Transport Infrastructure† World Bank Technical Paper. No. 411, Washington, DC. McCall, M. (1985) â€Å"Accessibility and Mobility in Peasant Agriculture in Tropical Africa† in Cloke, P. (ed.) Rural Accessibility and Mobility. Institute of British Geographers, Rural Geography Study Group, Lampeter, pp. 46-63. Ola, A. (2000). Rural Transportation and Development Planning in Nigeria. Kings Book Publications Series, Ibadan. Riverson, J.D.N. and Carapetis, S. (1991): Intermediate means of Transport in Sub-Saharan Africa: Its Potential for Imposing Rural and Transport† World Bank Technical Paper. 161 Washington DC. Slack, B. (1990) â€Å"Intermodal Transportation in North America and the Development of Inland Load Centres† Professional Geographer 42, Pp. 72-83. Stuckey, B. (1973). Transportation and African Development: The land-locked Countries. Institute for Economic Development and Planning, Ibadan. Udo, R.K. (1975) Migrant Tenant Farmers of Nigeria: A Geographical Study of Rural Migration in Nigeria. African University Press, Ibadan. Uyanga, J.I. (1980) A Geography of Rural Development in Nigeria. University Press of America, Washington DC. 1

Essay --

Stephanie LaGrua Professor Nichols Art and Human Needs Final Exam 13 December 2013 Part One: Shelter The Villa Rotonda is a house built by Andrea Palladio from 1566 to 1571. The Villa Rotonda is located on top of a low hill in Vincenza, Italy. Built during the Renaissance era, this 16th Century Italian house has showed influence to many other architects throughout the world. The Villa Rotonda is the most urbanized structure Andrea Palladio has constructed. The floor plan was a square floor plan roofed by a dome. The structure has four entrances with each having steps leading up to a columned portico, porch like area. It has been said that the columned porticos give the building a Roman Temple look. The Villa Rotonda only has livable rooms on the first floor while the second floor is strictly state rooms. Andrea Palladio designed the Villa Rotonda with mathematical precision and symmetrical proportions. Fertility/Sexuality The Venus of Willendorf, or also called, The Woman of Willendorf, is a statue of a female that is 10.8 cm high. Johann Veran had found the statue is 1908 in a village called Willendorf in lower Austria close to the city of Krems. Which is how it has gotten its name. The statue is now held in the Naturhistorishes Museum located in Vienna, Austria. The figurine was carved between 28,000 BCE and 25,000 BCE. This time period was the Paleolithic Period, also more commonly known as the â€Å"Old Stone Age.† The statue is made of a type of limestone that is not known to be produced in the surrounding area it was found in, along with a reddish tint of red ochre. The figurine does not have a way to stand on its own due to the fact it does not have feet. The statue also does not have a face but does have what it seems to b... ...ch her face. She looks off into the distance not knowing what is going to happen and despair in her eyes. The wrinkles and creases on her face show worry and sadness. There are two children almost hiding behind her as she slouches forward cradling a baby that seems sound asleep. Her shirt is unbuttoned, her clothes along with the children’s clothes are dirty and worn out. The Migrant Mother communicates emotions of fear, uncertainty, pain and depression that many American families felt during this period. The photograph portrays what life was like for America’s families suffering during this depression. The fact that this in an actual photograph and not a painting makes it more compelling and relatable because it is a realistic view of a human being in pain. A painting would just be a replica therefore the affect it would have on people would not be as significant.

The Book Flush Summary :: essays research papers

Flush This takes place in the Florida Keys up to Miami. It is placed in modern day time. This story happens in the summer. This book is about a family whose dad is a tour guild. He used to work with a man name Dusty Muleman. He said that one day he was going to form a new business. He owned a casino boat that was parked in Indian Territory. He made a deal with the Indians that he could gamble on their waters and pay them a part of the profit. Since his ship the Coral Queen never left the dock passengers did not get see sick and continued to gamble and spend money. In order to save money he dumps his waste from the holding tanks into the ocean at night when nobody is looking. Noah’s dad a person who stands up for the environment sinks his boat and is put in jail. Noah and his sister decide to try and find a way to stop him. They talk to their dad and he tells them that he worked with a man called Lice Pecking. He says the he also worked on the boat and he could testify on the fact that Dusty really did dump his waste into the ocean. It turns out he is kidnapped and is unable to testify. They meet his wife Shelly. She tells them that she will help them stop Dusty’s Casino scam. She tells him that she wants to work as a bartender in Dusty’s Boat. She tells them that one night she stays late and sees Dusty dumping the waste from the ship. A few days later he goes to a small pond and sees a park ranger putting up signs that say the water in the pond is contaminated from human waste. Since there are many boats docked in the harbors its impossible to see what boat the waste is actually coming from. They then get the idea to color the waste with a very bright dye and allow after us seeps out the trail of brightly colored water will be tracked back to dusty’s boat. They then go into a food store and purchase 35 bottles of Fuchsia dye. They then tell Shelly their plan. They tell her that Noah will hide in a box full of rum and wait till it is picked up and placed on the ship he then will go into a restroom and Shelly will tack on an out of order sign.

Extended Essay

Assessment of the causes of the Kengir uprising in the Steplag complex in the year of 1954 By Saidkhon Turaev An Extended Essay Submitted as a Candidate for the International Baccaureate Diploma Subject: History Supervisor: Mr. Alex Ross Tashkent International School IBO World School 3076 Session: May 2011 October 5, 2010 Word Count: 3,831 Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii INTRODUCTION 1 FIRST REASON: DEATH OF STALIN 3 SECOND REASON: REGIME OF THE CAMP 5 THIRD REASON: UKRAINIAN LEADERSHIP 7 FOURTH REASON: INTRO OF THE LARGE GROUP OF CRIMINALS 9 CONCLUSION 10 APPENDIX 1 WORK CITED 12 [i] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Tashkent International School: IBO World School 3076 Tashkent Uzbekistan Author: Title: Supervisor: Session: Turaev, Saidkhon (003076-017) Assessment of the causes of the Kengir uprising in the Steplag complex in the year of 1954 Mr. Alex Ross May 2011 Abstract While studying the Soviet history, very few people learn about the uprisin gs that had happened in Gulags after Stalin? s death. One of the key gulag uprisings which happened in 1954 was the Kengir uprising which took place in Steplag camp located in Jezkazgan region in Kazakhstan.Unlike any other gulag uprisings the Kengir uprising marked the end of the Soviet gulags. However in the modern day world, very little is known about this uprising and about the factors which have caused it. General agreement seems to be around the several ideas like: the death of Stalin, the regime of the camp, the Ukrainian leadership and the introduction of the group of criminals into the camps. So therefore it is important for a historian to assess all these factors and determine which of them caused the Kengir uprising.It was very hard to find any sufficient primary sources to this event, due to the fact that the most Gulag archives are still classified. So therefore the research was focused on circumstantial evidence. The investigation includes works of Alexander Solzhenits yn â€Å"The Gulag Archipelago† and many secondary sources, written by the western historians. Although Solzhenitsyn wasn? t there when the uprising happened, he remains one of famous sources who dedicated entire chapter for this uprising. The investigation found that three factors: the death of Stalin, the Ukrainian leadership and the regime of the camp were the main causes for the uprising.Those three factors were interlinked within each other and only together they were responsible for causing the Kengir uprising. [Word Count 256] [ii] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Introduction The Kengir Uprising of 1954 was one of the important events in Soviet history. It was the rebellion organized by the large group of prisoners in the Steplag camp in the city of the Jezkazgan in 16th of May till 26th of June. The uprising continued for forty days until it was brutally crushed by the Soviet tanks. Very little is known today about this uprising and about the reasons which could? e caused it. There are different historical positions on what could? ve been the reason for the uprising. The Steplag camp was one of the labor complexes of the Karaganda gulag or s imply Karlag. Karlag was founded in 1931 in the city of Karaganda, Kazakhstan, and it served the USSR for about thirty years as a labor complex. The NKVD and the MVD use to send people of different nationalities to this gulag. Many Nazi camp prisoners, who were â€Å"liberated† by the Soviet Union after World War II, were also sent to the Karlag.Among those prisoners there were some fearsome nationalistic groups like the Ukrainians, who hated and didn? t trust in the Soviet system like other USSR satellite states. It was estimated that there were about 800,000 inmates in Karaganda gulag, 20,000 of which were located in the Steplag camp during the Kengir uprising. 1 It was truly remarkable how small group of prisoners was ready to stand against the whole country without the fear of being killed. Ne vertheless their attempts to achieve any fairness were easily suppressed by the government after 40 days, which once again emphasizes that the Soviet government couldn? deal with those kinds of situations without using the force. But the key thing in the uprising was that it lasted for such a long time, whereas in Stalin? s era, there wouldn? t be any hesitations in killing every single rebel in the camp. It was clear that the new authority didn? t want to go the path which led to the terror, which in turn can be argued, was their main weakness. One might agree that the Soviet Union couldn? t exist without gulags. Therefore, by having doubts in their actions the Soviet authority took the first step towards its own annihilation.Thus one can consider that the Kengir uprising symbolizes the thaw from Stalinization to something different. It is very hard for people who research about this uprising to find adequate primary source, due to the fact that Soviet Union was a secretive totalit arian state which was very careful at hiding information from public 1 Astana Calling p. 3 [1] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 eyes. So the only choice is to rely on circumstantial evidence, provided by authors like Alexander Solzhenitsyn â€Å"The Gulag Archipelago,† and then make implications on what has happened.Solzhenitsyn to this day remains one of the famous sources, who dedicated entire chapter, â€Å"Forty Days of Kengir,† to the uprising in Steplag. Besides â€Å"The Gulag Archipelago† there are also a lot of secondary sources such as Anne Applebaum? s book â€Å"Gulag, a history† or Steven Barnes review of the uprising â€Å"In a Manner Befitting Soviet Citizens. † All of these explain western historian point of view on the events which happened before and after the Kengir uprising. This essay is concerned with determining what were the most important factors in causing the Kengir uprising.The possible factors that may have contribut ed to the uprising were the following: the death of Stalin, Ukrainian nationalist leadership, the regime of the camp, and the introduction of criminal prisoners. Some say that the real problems were caused by Ukrainians, because most of them belonged to the nationalist groups who opposed the Soviet political regime and wanted the separation of Ukraine from the USSR. Most of the Ukrainian nationalists were sent to the Gulags as the political enemies of the USSR. In contrast other historians claim that the criminals were the main reason for the uprising in Kengir.Criminals were the group of inmates who were always in conflict with the polit ical prisoners in Steplag. During the outbreaks of the Kengir uprising criminals were sent into the camps to calm down the politicals, but instead both groups joined efforts to fight the authorities. However others claim that the death of Stalin overweights all of the arguments above. Stalin? s death was remarkable moment in history, because it imp licated that the terror was over and that the political prisoners would finally be free. It of course raised expectations in the hearts of many gulag prisoners.Perhaps those aroused expectations were the main reason behind the uprising in Steplag. On the other hand some blame must lie with the regime of the camp, which also played a key role in creating the uprising in Steplag. During Stalin? s reign the regime was very strict. Guards were ordered to kill anyone who attempts to run or tried to organize a revolt. So it is important for one to access the reasons behind the uprising in order to see why certain things could? ve caused everything to change. [2] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 First Reason: Death of StalinOn 5th of March 1953 Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin died of the brain stroke. To many gulag prisoners, particularly to political prisoners, his death meant that the tyranny and terror was finally over. The author of the book â€Å"Letters of the Camp Doctor† and the former gulag prisoner Vadim Aleksandrovich has commented about the situation: â€Å"Majority of the prisoners understood of what the man was made of. They understood that he was tyrant, that he controlled a great country and that the fate of each prisoner was somehow related to the fate of Stalin. 2 It seems that this source is based on opinion, so therefore might contain bias. However it can be useful to a historian in terms providing some idea on what was the general feeling among the prisoners towards Stalin. Despite the fact that many prisoners awaited his death, most of them remained cautious about the situation, mainly because they? re afraid of earning a second sentence. However in Steplag, prisoners weren? t afraid of showing their happiness – they were making wild cries of celebration3as Applebaum comments, which imply that they waited for some changes to come.One of the Steplag prisoners Yuri Grunin even stated â€Å"the blessing times would soon come,† 4which once again gives a historian an idea of how the prisoners felt during that time. One can argue that the death of Stalin didn? t accomplish the hopes of the prisoners towards the reforms that they expected from the authorities. This is clearly reflected on the releases, which were issued by his right hand man and the chief of KGB Lavrenty Beria. Beria was known to be a man who created most hated policies in gulag systems5. But nevertheless by 28th of March 1953 1. million prisoners were released, 400,000 cases were closed and new Gulag projects were abandoned. 6 One can see the situation as promising for many gulag prisoners, but it only looks good on the surface. These prisoners, who were released, only included group of petty criminals and some women with children and none of the politicals. As a result of that many political prisoners were becoming increasingly angry with the situation. 2 Aleksandrovich â€Å"Letters of the Camp doctor† p. 28 Applebaum â€Å"Gulag a History† p. 477 4 Yuri Grunin as cited in Dmitri Bikov’s article â€Å"Prisoners wanted love† 5Solzhenitsyn â€Å"The Gulag Archipelago† vol. 2 p 204 6 Krutsyk â€Å"The Chronicles of Communist Inquisition† 3 [3] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 In Steplag as Applebaum comments, certain groups of prisoners formed underground organizations by the time the amnesty was proclaimed, which imply that they were planning something. 7However there is a problem with a source provided by Applebaum, which is that she wasn? t there at the time when all of that happened and therefore some of her arguments might be unreliable, due to limited supporting primary sources.Nevertheless there is still an argument that – if the hopes of the prisoners weren? t accomplished then why did the uprising happen only in 1954, a year later after Stalin? s death? Well there could be a lot of answers to this question. Perhaps the circumstances were different, or maybe t hese underground organizations just needed time to put their plan into action. From the points addressed above one can say that for the uprising to happen it needed something more, than just an event like death of Stalin. In other words not every gulag in Soviet Union had an uprising after Stalin? death. So this might imply that something was different in the Steplag. For instance as Applebaum commented there were some underground organizations in Steplag before the uprising, which imply that there were highly organized group of individuals who perhaps planned out everything before acting. But then again the uprising couldn? t be just a spontaneous upheaval without any cause, it needed a spark. Perhaps the circumstances in Steplag were somehow different in 1954 than they were in 1953 and that could? ve served as a spark for the uprising.In order to investigate any further one might look at the other factors like the regime of the camp, Ukrainian leadership and intro of the group of criminals to see whether they have something in common with the arguments presented above. 7 Applebaum p. 495 [4] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Second Reason: Regime of the camp The camp regime in the gulags from 1930 – 1953 was really determined by the three factors: the sentence which prisoners received, the relationship of camp authorities to the prisoners and the attitude of guards towards the inmates.Political prisoners were treated most brutally compared to other prisoners. Especially after 1948 when a group of special camps were introduced that had a very strict regime based on katorga (hard labor), which was created during the war. In his famous book â€Å"Gulag Archipelago† Solzhenitsyn describes the work conditions of (inmates under katorga regime): â€Å"During the work they were surrounded by soldiers with dogs, they were hit, and were beaten by guns†¦It was easy to spot exhausted and to differentiate them from other prisoners. They’re lost and barely walked. 8 This source which Solzhenitsyn provides to the historians might be reliable do to the fact that Solzhenitsyn himself was a , and one can argue that Solzhenitsyn knew what it was like to be that type of prisoner and therefore there is a less chance of bias in this quote. Furthermore from this evidence we can say that the political prisoners had a reason to be angry at the regime and if they had a reason they? re most likely to protest against it. In Steplag there were huge numbers of political prisoners, especially c ounterrevolutionaries, 9which implied that the camp had a very strict regime.In addition authorities never really cared about health conditions of the prisoners. There were moments when inmates had to eat the spoiled food, because the camp executives didn? t really monitor the condition of the food. 10This type of attitude might? ve led to the buildup of the misery among prisoners. But if everything was that bad, why didn? t the prisoners rebel earlier, why they waited until 1954? Was it death of Stalin which gave the prisoners the idea of the terror being over and that the freedom should be given to each of them?Highly unlikely, because even when Stalin died the prisoners were in risk of being shot if they somehow threatened the Soviet system and it should? ve taken prisoners a real courage to cause this massive uprising. So it must? ve been something different, but before exploring argument further one must look at the relationship between prisoners and camp authorities before 1953. 8 Solzhenitsyn â€Å"The Gulag Archipelago† vol. 3 p. 8 â€Å"The Document of the Kengir Uprising of 1954† see the table 2 at the appendix 10 â€Å"Gulag Many Days Many Lives† Report to Temporary Chief of Karlag Administration Nikiforov 9 5] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Prisoners of Steplag really thought that they? re being unfairly treated by the camp authorities. The extract from Soviet magazine Putevka, based o n MVD reports, explores some of the unhappy comments of a prisoner towards the fact that camp executives really didn? t care about the prisoners? complaints: â€Å"Write, for what?! We were writing – and never got a reply. Boxes were set, so we didn’t annoy them†¦Ã¢â‚¬ 11 This source analyses the response of the prisoners towards the camp authorities in 1936.Although it can give a historian an idea of what was the general feeling among prisoners towards the camp authorities, it is a bit strange that this kind of information was published, especially in the Soviet Union where the authorities were really careful at hiding information. So therefore it must have some purpose, most likely the propaganda purpose, so therefore it might contain some sort of bias. By using this source one can think to himself that the carelessness of the camp authority was one of the reasons for the tension to build up.And he will be right to think so, because what was bad about the camp authorities was that they didn? t really consider the fact that prisoners were getting angrier over time and that soon they would eventually rise up. Now one might look at the situation in the Steplag after the death of Stalin and fall of Beria. Solzhenitsyn explains that after fall of Beria the guards weren? t receiving salary bonuses for their service as before. 12They had to really prove that their work is worthy of the bonuses, so as a result many of the guards started shooting innocent prisoners and then claimed that inmates tried to run away.One of the infamous killings was the shooting of the Christian in spring of 1954, which resulted massive unrest among the prisoners. The name of the Christian, according to Solzhenitsyn, was Alexander Sisoviev and after his murder many prisoners felt sorry for him because he was serving in Steplag for almost ten years and hardly broke any law to get killed. 13 Later during the uprising one of the prisoners? demands to the authority would be to â€Å"punish the guards who killed the Christian†14 which again emphasizes how strongly were the inmates affected by this murder. 11 Gulag Many Days Many Live† Except from Putevka Solzhenitsyn vol. 3 p. 262 13 Ibid p. 263 14 â€Å"The Document of the Kengir Uprising of 1954† telegram # 044 to the MVD chief Kruglov 12 [6] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 This situation with a Christian might? ve underlined that the prisoners were no longer safe in the camps and that they had to act. But then again these whole innocent killings might? ve been just a spark for all of the misery in the past. For an uprising to be successful it needed a strong leadership. In the Kengir uprising such leadership was taken by the Ukrainians.Third Reason: Ukrainian Leadership The Ukrainians started to arrive to the Steplag after World War II. Unlike the other prisoners these people were really organized and the most important thing was that they didn? t trust the Soviet Union. Ev en the camp authorities have exclaimed this point, by saying that the â€Å"bourgeois ideology† 15has made Ukrainians hostile to the Soviet system. In Steplag particularly there were large numbers of them and they were all mixed with other political prisoners, which was an obvious mistake of the camp authorities, because Ukrainians could expose their viewpoints and ideas to ther prisoners. Because of this everything began to change in the Steplag. Before the arrival of the Ukrainians the camps were filled with prisoners who sni tched on each other. Because of those snitches some of the prisoners were either killed or taken to the prison of the strict regime. Basically snitches were the eyes and ears of the camp administration. When Ukrainians arrived they chose a radical policy in dealing with snitches, by executing them. It was like a new law among prisoners â€Å"Die tonight if you don? t have a pure soul† 16Solzhenitsyn explains.The most remarkable thing about those executions is that the camp authority couldn? t stop them, because they lost all of their informants. Each prisoner knew that if they ever going to snitch again, they? re going to be slashed. But on the other hand Ukrainians didn? t take serious actions against the camp authorities, until 1954. Was it a death of Stalin then, which triggered the uprising? Well it certainly might? ve had the contribution to it, but without the Ukrainians the uprising would? ve never occurred. This change which was occurring in the Gulag camps in some weird way caused the prisoners mindset to change.The killings of the snitches were one of the first examples of freedom movement, as expressed by Solzhenitsyn. However there is another argument that the 15 16 Barnes â€Å"In a Manner Befitting Soviet citizens† p. 824 Solzhenitsyn vol. 3 p. 213 [7] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Ukrainians were really opportunists. Whenever the situation fitted them they acted and one can aga in refer back to the killings of the snitches, when Ukrainians basically started killing the informers because they represented a threat to them.Perhaps the death of Stalin was also an opportunity for the Ukrainians in which they thought that this was the time. After the death of Stalin many political prisoners were hoping that they would be released and really it was reflected on the banners which were made during the uprising: â€Å"Long live the Soviet Constitution,† 17or the most famous exclamation made by the Russian Red Army officer and so called the leader of the uprising Kapiton Kuznetsov â€Å"Our salvation lies on loyalty, we must talk to Moscow representatives in a manner befitting Soviet citizens. 18 Ukrainians on the other side never bought into this idea, because during the uprising many of them were in charge of commissions which were responsible for the arming and defending the camp, which in turn implies that they were getting ready for the open conflict. And again after the uprising was crushed by Soviets the Ukrainians were the ones who suffered the most as Barnes explains, even though officially the rebellion was led by the Russian Red Army veterans. 9One of the Ukrainian prisoners who left the camp during the uprising spoke to his fellow Ukrainian prisoners: â€Å"Dear countrymen, they see us westerners as the main authors of the strike? s continuation. † 20So according to the prisoner the Ukrainians were treated badly by the Russians because there was a presence of dominance of one nation over the other, however the other reason could be that the Russians realized that the Ukrainians represented a threat to the political regime of the Soviet Union and in order to calm them down they put pressure on them. 17 Barnes p. 24 Ibid p. 823 19 Ibid p. 837 20 Ibid p. 827 18 [8] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Fourth Reason: Intro of a Large Group of Criminals Criminals were most fearsome group of people in the gulag system, because they were aggr essive, many of them have killed and harassed other people before they? re caught and mostly because they? re unpredictable. Lev Razgon the gulag prisoner describes criminal prisoners: â€Å"They were, in a word, racketeers, gangsters, and members of small mafia†¦ they brazenly cleaned out the new transports, taking all of the best clothes from newcomers. 21There were a lot of tensions between political prisoners and criminals in Steplag. Political prisoners detested criminals for their unlawful actions and in any case tried to avoid them. Criminals most often didn? t do any work at all. If they needed money they stole them from political prisoners by threatening them. Applebaum explains that political prisoners were afraid of criminals because most of them were armed with knives and other sharp objects. 22But everything changed when two groups were separated in the late 1940„s due to constant tensions between them.During the outbreaks of the uprising in the Steplag camp , the criminals were shipped by the camp authorities to calm down the political prisoners, because the authorities thought that politicals were still afraid of the criminals. One can again link this to the idea that the camp authorities really had horrible ways in dealing with conflict situations. Solzhenitsyn supports this idea by stating: â€Å"Here it is the unpredictable nature of the human emotions and social movements.Injecting in Kengir lagpunkt No 3 the mammoth dose of tested ptomaine, bosses obtained not a pacified camp, but the biggest mutiny in the history of the Gulag Archipelago! †23 This source could be reliable to a historian, because although Solzhenitsyn wasn? t there at that time when the event happened, he analyses the situation as a historian and provides the reader with his reasoning. The criminals and the politicals for the first time ever joined their efforts to accomplish mutual aims, which again suggest that the atmosphere in Steplag has changed due t o the fact that Stalin died.Conversely one can agree that the criminals didn? t really impacted the uprising much. Yes, they? ve joined efforts with the politicals 21 Lev Razgon as cited in Applebaum’s â€Å"Gulag a history† p. 281 Applebaum p. 282 23 Solzhenitsyn vol. 3 p. 266 22 [9] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 and certainly increase their numbers, but one can again argue that the uprising would? ve been caused anyways even without the criminals? presence. Conclusion The introduction of the criminals to the camps didn? t really make any difference, because the uprising was already in progress when they arrived.So in the end, the Kengir uprising was the combination of three factors which included: the death of Stalin, the regime of the camp and the leadership of the Ukrainians. All three factors were interlinked and followed consecutive order. At first the uprising needed a cause of some sort, which was brought by the idea that Stalin died and the expected hope s weren? t accomplished. When Stalin died majority of the prisoner population in Steplag hoped for some changes to come, this could be reflected on how they openly celebrated his death in March 1953. But then with Beria? amnesties their expectations and hopes failed and when that happened, based on investigation, they lost all of their patience. Secondly it needed the angry group of people who would agitate their views to the prisoner population about their long term misery and then during the uprising these people would target the prisoners to act. The Ukrainians were those sorts of people. It is only when they arrived the radical changes begun in Steplag, for instance the slashing of the snitches. And one must remember that during the uprising the Ukrainians were the only nes who were preparing for the open conflict which imply that they never really trusted the USSR. And finally it needed some sort of a spark, which was caused by the incompetence of the guards. In 1954 when guard s started shooting at the prisoners just to receive salary bonuses, they made a mistake of shooting the Christian Alexander Sisoviev who was favored among the prisoners. That of course underlined that the prisoners were no longer safe from the authorities, so therefore the only choice for them was to act.Kengir uprising of 1954 marked itself as a remarkable moment in history, not only because it lasted considerable amount of time, but because it marked the end of the Soviet gulags. This in turn can be argued to be the end of the Soviet Union, because this uprising proved that the system couldn? t exist without violence. Only by using violence the government could maintain control. [10] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 A ppendix Table 1: The Nationality of Prisoners (Translated) : According to Nationality 1. (Russians) 2. (Ukrainians) 3. (Byelorussians) 4. (Azerbaijanis) 5. (Georgians) 6. (Armenians) 7. (Turkmens) 8. (Uzbeks) 9. (Tajiks) 10. (Kazakhs) 11. (Kyrgyz) 12. (Lithuanians) 13. (Latvians) 14. (Estonians) 15. (Tatars) 16. (Bashkir) 17. (Udmurt) 2661 9596 878 108 132 154 76 204 54 291 50 2690 1074 873 127 9 20 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. (Chechens) (Ingush) (Jews) (Moldavians) ? (Finnish) (Germans) (Poles) (Romanians) (Iranians) (Afghanis) (Mongols) (Chinese) (Japanese) (Koreans) (Greeks) (Turkish) (Others) 124 56 174 208 16 359 379 24 18 8 2 55 30 52 21 8 167 Table 2: Sentence of the prisoners (Translated) Sentence 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Traitors to Motherland Spying Terrorists Trozkyist Wrecking Counterrevolutionary saboteurs Sabotage Anti-Soviet Conspirators Anti-Soviet agitation 14785 1202 772 57 79 57 192 1140 755 10. Rebels 11. Combined Criminal charges 1, 3, 5 12. Combined Criminal charges 1 & 3 13. War Crime 14. Gambling 5. Mugging 16. Job and economic crimes 1421 130 36 10 8 24 19 A r eport of special department of MVD in Steplag camp about the prisoners ’ n ationality and sentence – b y the c hief of the department and the colonel Savchenko a s cited in h ttp://g – to – g. com/index. php? version=rus&module=56&page=16 . [11] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 W orks Cited P rimary Sources A leksandrovich, Vadim. L etters of the Camp Doctor . Moscow: , 1996. S olzhenit syn, Alexander. G ulag Archipelago . vol. 2 . Moscow: , 1991. Print. S olzhenitsyn, Alexander. G ulag Archipelago . vol. 3 .Moscow: , 1991. Print. G ulag Many Days, Many Lives † E xcerpt from Putevka. † 1 933. Web. 7 Aug 2010. < http://gulaghistory. org /items/show/776>. G ulag Many Days, Many Lives † R eport to Temporary Chief of Karlag Administration N ikiforov. † 1 939. Web. 7 Aug 2010. < http://gulaghistory. org/items/show/766>. S econdary Sources A pplebaum, Anne. G ulag a history . 1st ed. United States of A merica: Anchor Books, a d ivision o f Random House, Inc. 2 003. Print. † Astana Calling. † Ministry of the Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 12 January 2 010. Web. 7 Aug 2010.B arnes, Steven. † In a Manner Befitting Soviet Citizens†: An Uprising i n the Post – Stalin Gulag . 4. U nited States of America: The American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, 2 005. 823 – 850. P rint . Bikov, Dmitri. † The Prisoners Wanted Love. † Web. 23 Aug 2010. . â€Å"Documents of Kengir Uprising of 1954. † G-to-G Geologist to Geologist. G-toG. Web. 10 Sep 2010. . K rutsyk, Roman, Yurii S hapovall, and Oleh K ravchenko. â€Å"Chronicles of the Com munistic I nquisition. â€Å". W eb. 7 Aug 2010. < http://memorial. kiev. ua/expo/eng/1953. html >. [12] Saidkhon Turaev 003076 – 017 Extended Essay For other articles on the Extended Essay on Intense Cogitation, please see our helpful articles on  The Extended Essay Outline  and  Sample sources for an Extended Essay – The American Civil War. Please also check out my  extended essay exemplar  about the American Civil War. As I’m sure you all know, the Extended Essay is a 4000 word essay that is a requirement for the International Baccalaureate Diploma. You can write it in a wide variety of topics and subjects, as long as you have an Extended Essay supervisor (usually a teacher) guiding you along.Most schools encourage students to complete an outline, at the very least, for the Extended Essay at the end of IB1 to prevent students from procrastinating too much in IB2. For some people, the outline can be quite challenging; what if you just want to start writing the essay? What do I include in it? I had similar questions whilst I was writing mine, so I shall divulge some things I discovered for you to think ab out. Generally, it is a good idea to do extensive research  prior  to writing the outline.Presumably by this point you will have already found a subject, topic and a supervisor; if not, ensure that you have all three before continuing. Make notes whilst you are writing so you can pick out common themes and ideas, which will help you immensely when you start writing the thesis. Don’t forget to write the sources down! For example, I started reading about the American Civil War because I saw a documentary on naval warfare. After doing some research, I found something that really interested me — the Battle of Hampton Roads.With this in mind, I proceeded to narrow this down to: VALUE OF THE CONFEDERATE IRONCLAD  Virginia  IN THE BATTLE OF HAMPTON ROADS, MARCH 8-9, 1862 Don’t worry if it isn’t perfect! Just get your ideas down first–let   editing take care of the problems. Once you have that, try to think of a question that concerns most of the material you have read and digested so far. Is there a problem or question that keeps on coming up in your mind when you are studying this topic? What are some common academic arguments about this topic? Try to shape that into a research question.After that, formulate a thesis which attempts to answer this question. It’s hard to understand, so I’ll show you an example from my outline here: Research Question:  To this day, the question of who won is still debated. One method for analysis would be to study the battle through one ship to determine the extent of the ship’s usefulness to its home country; if the ship was costly and ineffective in battle, it would likely not be the victor. In this battle, a study of the  Virginia  in this battle would be most beneficial since she was present for both days of the battle.Thus, the following research question emerges: how useful was the ironcladVirginia  to the Confederacy in the Battle of Hampton Roads? Thesis statement:  To examine the question, this essay will use both primary and secondary sources to explore the Virginia’s impact on industry and economics, and strategic and tactical ramifications of the battle for the Confederacy, including the Virginia’s vulnerabilities and her psychological effect on civilians and combatants. Although the Virginia was a remarkable ship, this essay will prove that the Virginia was of limited use to the Confederate war effort.This wasn’t my final research question or thesis statement, but it gave me enough of a focus to write a first draft. In essence, your task here is to find a central question to your essay, and choose a view point that you think the evidence supports. After that, you are probably ready to write a rough outline of the structure of your Extended Essay — how will you structure the knowledge you’ve learned through research into a persuasive argument? How will you make this relevant to your thesis? W hat evidence will you use?At this stage, it’s probably easiest to just write jot notes of your major arguments and some minor supporting points as it is just an outline, not a draft. It doesn’t have to be very detailed, as illustrated by mine: * Introduce Confederate naval situation and reason for ironclad construction * Introduce Battle of Hampton Roads * Research question * Thesis statement * Plan of attack (see thesis statement paragraph) * Confederate industrial situation * Confederate iron ore shortages * Issues with processing iron ore into iron plating Problems with transporting the finished product to Norfolk * Therefore, transforming the USS  Merrimack  into the ironclad CSS  Virginiawas extremely costly in terms of resources and stressed Confederate industry, which was limited at best * Battle of Hampton Roads * Military events on March 8 * Military events on March 9 * Sum up the battle * Explore weaknesses * Explore other ramifications of the battle (i e. Delay of McClellan’s Peninsular Campaign) * Psychological effect on civilians and government officials * In essence, the military value of the  Virginia  was marginal at best.She was extremely flawed, and marginally seaworthy. The Battle of Hampton Roads was a draw since she did not make a significant breakthrough, and thus all the effort and resources that the Confederacy spent on her was all for naught. She was more useful as a psychological weapon, but even that could not prevent superior Union industry and resources from overrunning the Confederacy both on land and sea. * Conclusion * The  Virginia  was the Confederacy’s V-1 and V-2.Although she was technologically advanced for her time, she did not win the important Battle of Hampton Roads, nor did she have any significant long-term effect on the war. * In essence, she was of little use to the Confederacy. Once you have these major components in your essay outline, you’re probably ready to submit it to your supervisor. Keep a copy for yourself so you can still use it as a road map when you start writing your essay draft! As mentioned above, it might also be a good idea to include the sources you’ve used so far so you don’t forget about it in your final copy! Any questions? Leave a comment!